How to concede an election graciously

“Iwill respectfullyBDPBDPUDCBDPBDPGDPBDPBDPNGO step aside,” said the man who lost an election, “and participate in a smooth transition process.” The speed and humility with which President Mokgweetsi Masisi conceded defeat on November 1st was striking—and all the more so considering that his Botswana Democratic Party () had ruled this diamond-rich southern African country for six decades, ever since independence from Britain in 1966.Mr Masisi noted that the lost “massively”, and should therefore graciously surrender power. He understood, as not all politicians seem to, that the health of democracy was more important than his own ambition. He will be replaced by Duma Boko, a Harvard-educated lawyer, whose Umbrella for Democratic Change (), became the first party in 13 attempts to defeat the .Botswana is not a country many people follow closely, but . Although it has always been ruled by the same party, it is not a one-party state. Voters have freely chosen the time and again, largely because its record has been pretty good. In “Why Nations Fail”, a bestselling book by the recent winners of the , Botswana is singled out as a place that conspicuously did not fail. At independence, it was poor as well as landlocked, and had been described by one colonial official as “a useless piece of territory” (he was unaware of the diamonds beneath its soil). But the elites who took power governed reasonably well, fusing traditional institutions with Western-style democracy to forge a state that worked. Unlike most other African countries Botswana has never had a coup or military rule.Sensible governance has fostered economic growth. The dividends from Botswana’s diamonds have been used fairly wisely, which is unusual in countries that find mineral wealth before their institutions have matured. Diamond dollars have been poured into clinics, schools and a rainy-day fund for Botswana’s 2.5m people. It has had a long, mutually beneficial partnership with De Beers, a global diamond firm; the joint venture, known as Debswana, is by far the most important enterprise in the country. Its per person has increased 80-fold since 1966 and at more than $7,200 is now among the highest on the sub-Saharan African mainland.Yet under Mr Masisi Botswanans have been questioning whether their country . The price of natural diamonds, which make up more than 80% of Botswana’s exports, has slumped by about 30% over the past three years. Covid-19 hit tourism, the second-largest source of foreign earnings. (Botswana does a nifty line in luxury safaris.) The knock-on effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine hurt a country heavily dependent on food imports. And Botswana’s model may have run out of steam, even as its efforts to do what every resource-rich country must do—turn natural wealth into human capital—are worryingly incomplete.Meanwhile, Mr Masisi has made some bad moves. Most Botswanans perceived his government to be somewhat corrupt, a worrying shift for a relatively clean country. He interfered in courts’ independence and in matters reserved for traditional leaders. He failed to resolve an extraordinary squabble with his predecessor, Ian Khama, that at one point involved claims of death threats from both sides’ camps. (Mr Khama’s new party aided the demise of the by taking a handful of seats.) Many Botswanans disliked Mr Masisi’s chumminess with the autocratic government of the country next door, Zimbabwe.Most importantly Mr Masisi was seen to be doing little about the country’s underlying economic weaknesses. Unemployment, the most important issue for voters, and inequality are almost as high as in South Africa, its neighbour to the south. These are signs that although the diamond wealth has not been stolen, Botswana has struggled to develop the sort of ancillary “value-added” industries, such as cutting, polishing and jewellery-making, that would have created jobs.The ’s defeat is also evidence of an anti-incumbent trend in African politics that echoes similar trends elsewhere. In May the African National Congress, hitherto South Africa’s hegemonic party, lost its parliamentary majority for the first time, requiring it to govern in a coalition. Last month in Mozambique Podemos, an insurgent opposition party, won so much support that Frelimo, which has ruled since the country’s independence from Portugal in 1975, had to rig an election to stay in power, according to rival parties, s and some Western diplomats. Elections in Namibia and Ghana later this year could also see incumbents lose.Because sub-Saharan Africa is the only continent with a rapidly growing population, with 15m people entering the labour force annually, every election is increasingly about jobs. Votes in Namibia, on November 27th, and Ghana, on December 7th, will be no exception. One message from Botswana is that incumbent parties that rely on the past, rather than looking to the future, will take a kicking. The other is that democracy offers a chance for a reset—if the people in power let it work.