The EU’s response to the crisis in Israel exposes its limits

Nothing screams “EUEUEUEU EUEUgreat power” like an aircraft-carrier. And so on October 10th Thierry Breton, the European commissioner hailing from France, raised the idea of the availing itself of such a seafaring airbase. Alas, even before the merits of a floating jet-launcher for a bloc with neither navy nor air force could be considered, the ’s geopolitical ambitions fared as poorly as a plane lurching off the deck and into the drink. In the days around Mr Breton’s flight of fancy, a fumbled response to the terrorist attacks in Israel on October 7th left Europe looking muddled. A union that had found its foreign-policy voice over Ukraine has rediscovered its penchant for cacophony. A bout of chaotic diplomacy and internal squabbling has set back the cause of a “geopolitical ” to match China and America.Europe’s response to the crisis started off badly and got steadily worse. Beyond the usual lighting-up of buildings in the colours of whichever country is mourning its dead, the first reaction of note to come out of Europe was the announcement that the would suspend all development aid to Palestinians—a serious move, considering the bloc is their largest donor. The policy was reversed the very same day amid rising concerns in national capitals about the living conditions of innocent Gazans caught up in the fighting. Later in the week, on October 13th, the commission’s boss, Ursula von der Leyen, travelled to Israel. The message she delivered there was dutifully sympathetic. But national capitals fumed that she had failed to emphasise their concern that any response from the Israeli side needs to keep within the boundaries of international law. Government after government briefed that she was speaking not for the , merely for herself. As the furore mounted, Mrs von der Leyen’s team speedily announced that the ’s humanitarian aid to Gaza was to be tripled.